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A.G. Sulzberger discusses press freedom under Donald Trump, AI-driven intellectual property theft and The New York Times' investment in independent journalism during a visit to his paper's Asia hub in Seoul. As journalism faces unprecedented challenges amid growing threats to press freedom from authority figures and intellectual property theft in the AI era, The New York Times publisher underscored that "democracy depends on an informed public," which starts with "original reporting." "Democracy depends on an informed public, and an informed public depends on truth-tellers who are willing to ask the tough questions of our representatives and of the most powerful people in society," A.G. Sulzberger, publisher of The New York Times and chairman of The New York Times Company, said as he sat for an interview with the Korea JoongAng Daily and JoongAng Ilbo at The Times' Asia hub in central Seoul on Wednesday. The Korea JoongAng Daily, which marked its 26th anniversary this month, is a publishing partner of The New York Times. The New York Times marked its 175th anniversary this year, and Sulzberger stressed that there has never been a U.S. president more opposed to the press than Donald Trump, addressing the administration's threats and lawsuits against the paper. "No president in modern history has employed more openly anti-press rhetoric," Sulzberger said. "When he, or the administration, is using unjust power to try to silence our reporting, we are standing up for the reporting and refusing to be silenced or intimidated." Sulzberger, who was recently listed on TIME magazine's "100 Most Influential People in AI 2026," shared how his newspaper is adapting to the AI transformation while battling misinformation and fending off the "largest theft in the history of the industry." He warned that "if the theft of intellectual property is allowed to stand, it is not clear to me that there is a sustainable path for journalism organizations." During his time as an editor at The New York Times, Sulzberger authored the 2014 "Innovation Report," guiding the paper's successful "digital first" strategy. He joined The Times as a metro reporter in 2009 and is the sixth Ochs-Sulzberger family member to serve as publisher of The Times since Adolph Ochs purchased the newspaper in a bankruptcy sale in 1896. The Times reached 13.35 million paid subscribers as of the second quarter and reported digital-only subscription revenue of $407.9 million, up 16.4 percent from the year before. It aims to reach 15 million subscribers by the end of 2027. Sulzberger said the key to profitable journalism is ultimately "strong journalism," adding, "part of the secret to our success is that, rather than chase what everyone else is doing online, we continue to tell stories that others aren't telling." In May 2021, The Times launched its new Asia hub in central Seoul after moving its digital news operation from its decades-old Hong Kong headquarters in response to concerns about a sweeping national security law passed by China and its implications for free speech and the press. Regarding the growth of The Times' Asia hub, Sulzberger said, "Korea is such a distinct country in having technological, business and cultural strength, and so it's a great place to make journalism." The following are edited excerpts from the interview. Q. The New York Times is currently facing threats and multiple lawsuits under the Trump administration. Has there ever been a period in history with such direct pressure on freedom of speech? And what makes this current threat different from the past? A. I often say, free people need a free press. And the reason for that is that democracy depends on an informed public, and an informed public depends on truth-tellers who are willing to ask the tough questions of our representatives and of the most powerful people in society. And part of what has made America so successful is that the so-called Founding Fathers of the country, people who wrote t...

The government has decided to withdraw nearly half the staff at South Korea's embassy in Ukraine, following its recall of Ambassador Park Ki-chang. The move reflects Seoul's judgment that Ukraine has failed to take constructive steps, including an apology, after South Korea protested Kyiv's disclosure of information about the repatriation of North Korean prisoners of war. The Foreign Ministry also cited security concerns stemming from the threat of Russian airstrikes. Still, it is difficult not to question whether the disclosure warrants not only recalling the ambassador but also withdrawing embassy personnel. If Ukraine violated a confidential understanding concerning the sensitive national security issue of repatriating North Korean prisoners of war, Seoul is fully entitled to lodge a protest and demand measures to prevent a recurrence. That, however, does not automatically justify the severity of its response. It remains unclear what Seoul hopes to achieve by escalating pressure from recalling the ambassador to withdrawing embassy staff. If Ukraine ultimately refuses to meet its demands, what will the government do next? South Korea's conspicuous move also risks drawing unfavorable attention within the Western liberal camp. More troubling is the lack of clarity over how this response fits into the broader direction of South Korean diplomacy. On Oct. 13, President Lee Jae Myung stressed the importance of "managing relations with Russia" in connection with efforts to develop Arctic shipping routes. Maintaining ties with Moscow may be necessary to protect the national interest. But if Seoul is willing to risk worsening relations with Ukraine, it must explain what interests it hopes to safeguard — and consider whether its approach might instead undermine them. Deteriorating ties with Ukraine could complicate not only the possible repatriation of additional North Korean prisoners of war but also cooperation on postwar reconstruction and the defense industry. The Foreign Ministry cited the threat of airstrikes as one reason for the withdrawal, but that explanation is difficult to reconcile with the decision itself. The worse the fighting becomes, the greater the need for embassy personnel to help protect South Korean nationals. Yet the government plans to leave behind only the chargé d'affaires and essential consular staff. That is hardly reassuring. South Korean residents in Ukraine are already confused by the lack of sufficiently detailed follow-up plans, even as they are advised to evacuate to Poland. Should diplomats be leaving first while their compatriots remain uncertain about what to do next? Diplomacy is not a means of expressing displeasure at another country's conduct. Recalling an ambassador and withdrawing embassy personnel are among the strongest diplomatic measures available short of severing diplomatic relations. Many South Koreans cannot help questioning whether the dispute with the Ukrainian government truly warrants such an exceptionally hard-line response. 우크라에 대사 소환 넘어 공관원 철수까지 해야 하나 정부가 주우크라이나 박기창 대사를 소환한 데 이어 현지 대사관 공관원 절반가량을 철수하기로 했다. 북한군 포로의 한국 송환 사실을 공개한 우크라이나에 항의했지만, 우리 정부가 요구한 사과 등 전향적 조치가 없었다는 판단에서다. 외교부는 공습 위협에 따른 안전 문제도 들었다. 그러나 북한군 포로 송환 정보 공개가 대사 소환에 이어 공관원 철수까지 단행할 사안인지 묻지 않을 수 없다. 북한군 포로 송환이라는 민감한 안보 사안의 비공개 합의를 우크라이나가 어겼다면 정부가 항의하고 재발 방지를 요구하는 것은 당연하다. 그렇다고 대응 수위까지 정당화되는 것은 아니다. 대사 소환에 이어 공관원 철수까지 압박 수위를 높여 얻으려는 것이 무엇인지 분명하지 않다. 우크라이나가 끝내 요구를 수용하지 않는다면 다음에는 어떤 조치를 취할 것인가. 당장 서방 자유주의 진영 내에서 한국의 돌출 행동을 바라보는 시선도 곱지 않다. 더욱 우려스러운 것은 이번 대응이 대한민국 외교의 큰 방향과 어떻게 연결되는지 분명하지 않다는 점이다. 이 대통령은 지난 13일 북극항로 개척과 관련해 "러시아와의 관계 관리도 중요하다"고 밝혔다. 러시아와의 관계를 관리하는 건 국익을 위해 필요한 외교일 것이다. 그렇다면 우크라이나와의 관계 악화를 감수하면서까지 지키려는 국익이 무엇인지, 오히려 국익에 반하는 것은 아닌지 따져봐야 한다. 우크라이나와의 관계 악화는 북한군 포로의 추가 송환 문제는 물론 전후 재건과 방산 협력에도 부담이 될 수 있다. 외교부는 철수 이유의 하나로 공습 우려를 내세웠는데 이는 앞뒤가 맞지 않는 설명이다. 전황이 악화할수록 교민 안전을 지키기 위한 공관원의 일손은 더 많이 필요한 법인데, 대사대리와 필수 영사 인력만 남긴다고 하니 납득이 가지 않는다. 교민들에게 폴란드 대피를 권고하면서도 구체적인 후속 계획이 충분히 제시되지 않아 현지 교민들이 혼란스러워하고 있다. 외교는 상...

Kim Ji-yong, chief of the Serious Crimes Investigation Agency (SCIA), attended a Cabinet meeting presided over by President Lee Jae Myung for the first time on Wednesday. On his first day in office on Tuesday, Kim said he would root out the politicization of investigations, which he described as a fundamental cause of the prosecution's abuse of its investigative powers. Although he said he would decide whether to attend Cabinet meetings after reviewing relevant laws and consulting with other agencies, he appeared at the meeting the very next day. If his attendance was merely a courtesy call following his inauguration, it may be understandable. But if he intends to keep attending, the situation is different. Such a move would invite doubts about the sincerity of his pledge to end the politicization of investigations and intensify concerns over the SCIA's political neutrality. At a Cabinet meeting on Oct. 13, President Lee said that the attendance of the heads of the SCIA and the Public Prosecution Office at Cabinet meetings was "a matter of course under the Government Organization Act and the Constitution," though he acknowledged that there might be differing views. Yet the SCIA is tasked with investigating serious crimes, having taken over the prosecution's direct investigative functions. Even the president and other senior public officials could fall within its investigative remit. The former prosecutor general's absence from Cabinet meetings reflected a respect for the independence of investigations and prosecutions. People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD), which has actively advocated separating investigative and prosecutorial powers, also issued a statement on Friday, opposing regular Cabinet attendance by the heads of investigative and prosecutorial agencies. It argued that Cabinet members themselves could become subjects of investigations and that their presence at the meetings could impose political pressure on investigators and prosecutors even without explicit instructions concerning specific cases. Kim now bears the considerable responsibility of establishing the newly launched SCIA as an institution worthy of public trust. On his first day in office, he pledged to uphold fairness, neutrality and procedural justice so that the agency could become an investigative body that would not cause public concern. Ensuring impartiality and political independence also means avoiding unnecessary grounds for public suspicion. Kim should demonstrate his determination to keep the agency at arm's length from political power by refraining from attending future Cabinet meetings. President Lee, too, should reconsider his insistence that the attendance of investigative agency chiefs is a matter of course. If his call for Kim to investigate without favoring either side, leaving no one above the law, was sincere, the president should take the initiative in telling the new SCIA chief that he need not attend Cabinet meetings. That would be the right way to ease the burden on Kim as he begins his challenging task. 김지용 중수청장, 더 이상 국무회의 참석 않는 게 옳다 김지용 중대범죄수사청장이 20일 이재명 대통령이 주재하는 국무회의에 처음 참석했다. 김 청장은 지난 19일 첫 출근길에 "검찰의 수사권 남용 근저에는 수사의 정치화가 있다"며 이를 청산하겠다고 밝혔다. 국무회의 참석 여부는 법령 검토와 관계기관 협의를 거쳐 결정하겠다고 했지만, 바로 다음 날 국무회의에 모습을 드러냈다. 취임 후 인사 차원에서 국무회의에 참석한 것이면 이해할 여지가 없진 않지만, 앞으로도 계속 참석한다면 얘기가 달라진다. 수사의 정치화를 청산하겠다는 발언의 진정성을 의심받고, 중수청의 정치적 중립을 둘러싼 논란도 커질 수밖에 없다. 이 대통령은 지난 13일 국무회의에서 중수청과 공소청 수장의 국무회의 참석에 대해 "이견은 있겠지만 정부조직법과 헌법에 의해 당연한 일"이라고 말했다. 하지만 중수청은 검찰의 직접 수사 기능을 넘겨받아 중대 범죄를 수사하는 기관이다. 대통령을 포함한 고위 공직자도 수사 대상이 될 수 있다. 과거 검찰총장이 국무회의에 참석하지 않았던 것도 수사와 기소의 독립성을 존중하는 차원에서였다. 수사·기소 분리 등을 적극 주창해 온 참여연대도 지난 16일 논평을 내고 수사·공소 기관장의 국무회의 정례 참석에 반대했다. 국무회의 참석자도 잠재적 수사 대상이 될 수 있고, 구체적인 사건 지시가 없어도 수사·공소 기관에 정치적 부담을 줄 수 있다는 이유에서다. 김 청장은 이제 막 출범한 중수청을 국민의 신뢰를 받는 기관으로 만들어야 할 막중한 책임을 지고 있다. 첫 출근길에 "중수청은 공정성, 중립성, 절차적 정의를 반드시 지켜 국민이 걱정하지 않는 수사기관으로 자리매김하도록 하겠다"고 말했다. 수사의 공정성과 중립성 확보를 위해서는 국민에게 불필요한 의심을 사지 않는 것도 중요하다. 김 청장은 더 이상 국무회의에 참석하지 않음으로써 정치권력과 거리를...

The government has decided to withdraw nearly half the staff at South Korea's embassy in Ukraine, following its recall of Ambassador Park Ki-chang. The move reflects Seoul's judgment that Ukraine has failed to take constructive steps, including an apology, after South Korea protested Kyiv's disclosure of information about the repatriation of North Korean prisoners of war. The Foreign Ministry also cited security concerns stemming from the threat of Russian airstrikes. Still, it is difficult not to question whether the disclosure warrants not only recalling the ambassador but also withdrawing embassy personnel. If Ukraine violated a confidential understanding concerning the sensitive national security issue of repatriating North Korean prisoners of war, Seoul is fully entitled to lodge a protest and demand measures to prevent a recurrence. That, however, does not automatically justify the severity of its response. It remains unclear what Seoul hopes to achieve by escalating pressure from recalling the ambassador to withdrawing embassy staff. If Ukraine ultimately refuses to meet its demands, what will the government do next? South Korea's conspicuous move also risks drawing unfavorable attention within the Western liberal camp. More troubling is the lack of clarity over how this response fits into the broader direction of South Korean diplomacy. On Oct. 13, President Lee Jae Myung stressed the importance of "managing relations with Russia" in connection with efforts to develop Arctic shipping routes. Maintaining ties with Moscow may be necessary to protect the national interest. But if Seoul is willing to risk worsening relations with Ukraine, it must explain what interests it hopes to safeguard — and consider whether its approach might instead undermine them. Deteriorating ties with Ukraine could complicate not only the possible repatriation of additional North Korean prisoners of war but also cooperation on postwar reconstruction and the defense industry. The Foreign Ministry cited the threat of airstrikes as one reason for the withdrawal, but that explanation is difficult to reconcile with the decision itself. The worse the fighting becomes, the greater the need for embassy personnel to help protect South Korean nationals. Yet the government plans to leave behind only the chargé d'affaires and essential consular staff. That is hardly reassuring. South Korean residents in Ukraine are already confused by the lack of sufficiently detailed follow-up plans, even as they are advised to evacuate to Poland. Should diplomats be leaving first while their compatriots remain uncertain about what to do next? Diplomacy is not a means of expressing displeasure at another country's conduct. Recalling an ambassador and withdrawing embassy personnel are among the strongest diplomatic measures available short of severing diplomatic relations. Many South Koreans cannot help questioning whether the dispute with the Ukrainian government truly warrants such an exceptionally hard-line response.

Kim Ji-yong, chief of the Serious Crimes Investigation Agency (SCIA), attended a Cabinet meeting presided over by President Lee Jae Myung for the first time on Wednesday. On his first day in office on Tuesday, Kim said he would root out the politicization of investigations, which he described as a fundamental cause of the prosecution's abuse of its investigative powers. Although he said he would decide whether to attend Cabinet meetings after reviewing relevant laws and consulting with other agencies, he appeared at the meeting the very next day. If his attendance was merely a courtesy call following his inauguration, it may be understandable. But if he intends to keep attending, the situation is different. Such a move would invite doubts about the sincerity of his pledge to end the politicization of investigations and intensify concerns over the SCIA's political neutrality. At a Cabinet meeting on Oct. 13, President Lee said that the attendance of the heads of the SCIA and the Public Prosecution Office at Cabinet meetings was "a matter of course under the Government Organization Act and the Constitution," though he acknowledged that there might be differing views. Yet the SCIA is tasked with investigating serious crimes, having taken over the prosecution's direct investigative functions. Even the president and other senior public officials could fall within its investigative remit. The former prosecutor general's absence from Cabinet meetings reflected a respect for the independence of investigations and prosecutions. People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy (PSPD), which has actively advocated separating investigative and prosecutorial powers, also issued a statement on Friday, opposing regular Cabinet attendance by the heads of investigative and prosecutorial agencies. It argued that Cabinet members themselves could become subjects of investigations and that their presence at the meetings could impose political pressure on investigators and prosecutors even without explicit instructions concerning specific cases. Kim now bears the considerable responsibility of establishing the newly launched SCIA as an institution worthy of public trust. On his first day in office, he pledged to uphold fairness, neutrality and procedural justice so that the agency could become an investigative body that would not cause public concern. Ensuring impartiality and political independence also means avoiding unnecessary grounds for public suspicion. Kim should demonstrate his determination to keep the agency at arm's length from political power by refraining from attending future Cabinet meetings. President Lee, too, should reconsider his insistence that the attendance of investigative agency chiefs is a matter of course. If his call for Kim to investigate without favoring either side, leaving no one above the law, was sincere, the president should take the initiative in telling the new SCIA chief that he need not attend Cabinet meetings. That would be the right way to ease the burden on Kim as he begins his challenging task.

Meaningful communication begins by trusting North Korean defectors' stories and respecting experiences shaped by life under a different system. Seohyun Lee The author is the co-director of the documentary "Sotongil," a 50-minute film in which two young Koreans who set out to find an answer to communicate better with North Koreans. While making my documentary on communication between South and North Korea, "Sotongil" — "Communification" in English (translated) — I met with several nongovernmental organization practitioners and North Korean defectors to ask what the first step is toward communicating with North Koreans. Surprisingly, they all shared the same idea: First, we need to see North Korean defectors "as they are", meaning listening to them rather than speaking for them. How do we take this question and transform it into ethical practice? Firstly, seeing North Korean defectors as they are means trusting their stories. Since North Korean residents must obtain an official permit from the government to travel outside the boundaries of their local city or county, ordinary North Koreans have very limited freedom of movement within their own country. Due to the same restriction, North Koreans' ways of life can also be different depending on whether they were born near the border, on the coast, or inland. Considering this constraint on mobility, defectors could have very different stories from one another, and sometimes the stories even seem to contradict each other. Like the story of the seven blind men touching an elephant, each person may be describing the elephant differently, but each is still telling the truth about the part they experienced themselves. Hence, a primary mindset for engaging in a conversation with North Korean defectors is to trust that they speak truthfully. The second thing to do after listening to North Korean defectors' stories is to respect their experience and perspectives without necessarily agreeing with their beliefs. Different politics, education, and cultures do shape people's lives and values entirely differently. Although you are against the North Korean regime, admit that in different settings, people cultivate different ways of making decisions. Admit that the idea of normal varies depending on your surroundings. And if you can, try to accept and respect their perspectives, recognizing that many of the differences you see stem from their surroundings and life experiences, not their inherent character. To be sure, communicating with North Korean defectors and communicating with North Korea are two different endeavors. I'm not suggesting that we should trust and accept what North Korea says or what North Koreans believe. Given that two South Korean soldiers were injured at the demilitarized zone by North Korean mines on September 21, the answer to why and how we could communicate with North Korea seems extremely difficult to find. I'm specifically talking about communicating with North Korean defectors and how we can give a fair chance to the people who lived in a country that we are told to innately distrust. This requires that we understand that people are not their nations, and that we should not hold individual citizens accountable for the actions of their governments. Trust North Korean defectors' stories and accept them, just as we listen to the stories of others and communicate with them respectfully. When we are able to see North Korean defectors as they are, perhaps we can begin to find a clue about how communication between North and South Korea can start.

European diplomats urge Seoul and Kyiv to resolve their dispute over North Korean POW transfers, with experts warning the spat could harm South Korea's broader relations with Europe, including defense ties. South Korea said Tuesday it will withdraw about half of its staff from its embassy in Kyiv, escalating a dispute with Ukraine over the transfer of North Korean prisoners of war (POWs) that has already left European diplomats in Seoul uneasy. "Even after the recall of our ambassador to Ukraine, there has been no forward-looking measure from the Ukrainian side, and with the threat of air strikes across Ukraine persisting and making it difficult to ensure safety, the government has decided to withdraw some of the embassy's staff," Foreign Ministry spokesperson Park Doo-soon said in a regular briefing. Asked whether Seoul still wants a public apology, Park said, "There is no change in the position we previously requested." A Foreign Ministry official added that "the ball is in Ukraine's court." The move follows Seoul's recall of its ambassador to Ukraine earlier this month, a step that has left European diplomats in Seoul uneasy, with some unsure why Seoul went to such lengths with a country it has backed since Russia's full-scale invasion in 2022. Another year of Russian aggression against Ukraine Diplomats from several European countries, speaking to the Korea JoongAng Daily on condition of anonymity, said they were concerned to see two close partners at odds, as the dispute could impact broader issues. In particular, sources indicated that Seoul's feud with Kyiv cannot be viewed in isolation from Europe's own stake in Ukraine, which it has strongly backed. Some described the recall as a strong, even emotional, response. Others stressed that Europe has an interest in close ties between Seoul and Kyiv, given the need for more support for Ukraine amid the ongoing war with Russia. They noted it was up to Seoul and Kyiv to settle the dispute, though European partners would be ready to help if asked. Seoul's Foreign Ministry said last week that about "three major European countries" — widely understood in South Korea to mean Britain, France and Germany — had offered to "play a role" in settling South Korea's dispute with Ukraine, though it declined to name the nations. The Foreign Ministry official said Tuesday that Seoul has explained to European countries that its steps, including the recall, are a "diplomatic gesture" meant to pave the way for a smooth resolution. The stakes for South Korea are also closely tied to broader security cooperation and to its growing arms sales to Europe. Key European nations that have purchased South Korean tanks and rocket launchers since the war began want Seoul to maintain its backing for Kyiv. Meanwhile, U.S. President Donald Trump has been pushing Kyiv toward a settlement with Moscow, stating on Oct. 10 that Ukraine should "get a new leader who can make a deal." South Korea recalled its ambassador to Ukraine, Park Ki-chang, on Oct. 8, marking its first recall of a top envoy in protest since 2008 and signaling how far relations between Seoul and Kyiv have soured. A recall ranks above summoning a foreign envoy as a form of protest, stopping just short of cutting diplomatic ties. The dispute began when Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky told the United Nations General Assembly on Sept. 23 that Ukraine had sent two captured North Korean soldiers to South Korea. Seoul says the two sides agreed to keep the transfer confidential, while Kyiv says it interpreted the confidentiality arrangement differently. In public, European governments have generally avoided taking sides. A spokesperson for the British Embassy in Seoul said, "Ukraine and South Korea are both among our closest partners," adding that it was "not in a position to comment on the specifics of those conversations." But they have been clear in urging Seoul to keep supporting Ukraine. "We do this for Ukraine, but also for our own sec...

From Yonsei University's historic halls and Sungkyunkwan's centuries-old ginkgo trees to traditional architecture in Jeonju, these campuses offer breathtaking seasonal scenery and nearby attractions worth exploring. As autumn colors spread across Korea, mountain trails, lakes and parks draw crowds hoping to catch the season at its peak. For university students, however, enjoying the fall foliage does not necessarily require a trip to popular tourist spots. University campuses offer their own seasonal scenery, from historic buildings framed by colorful maple trees to centuries-old ginkgo trees and leafy walking paths. With midterms over, it is also an ideal time for students to take a break from assignments and explore campus grounds and nearby attractions. With that in mind, here are five university campuses worth visiting for their autumn scenery. Cherry blossom season brings beauty, joy to Korean campuses amid midterm stress Yonsei University's Sinchon campus in western Seoul is a good choice for visitors looking to enjoy autumn foliage against a backdrop of historic architecture, with the added appeal of familiar K-drama filming locations. At the heart of the campus's historic quarter is Underwood Hall, an iconic stone building completed in the 1920s that stands beside a lawn and other heritage buildings, including Stimson Hall and Appenzeller Hall. As autumn sets in, the ivy climbing Underwood Hall's walls takes on reddish hues, adding seasonal color to the stone facade. The campus may also look familiar to K-drama fans, as its historic buildings have served as filming locations for series such as "Extraordinary You" (2019), "True Beauty" (2020) and "The Sound of Magic" (2022), making a stroll through its old quarter a chance to revisit scenes from the screen. Paths branching off to the left wind past other campus buildings framed by colorful foliage, while uphill trails beyond Underwood Hall lead to modern structures such as Daewoo Hall, offering a change of scenery from the campus's historic architectural area. The campus also borders Ansan Mountain, whose wooded slopes provide a natural backdrop and add another layer of autumn color to the surrounding landscape. Visitors looking to venture beyond the main campus can follow nearby hiking trails for a closer look at the changing foliage. Sungkyunkwan University's Humanities and Social Sciences Campus in central Seoul offers a distinctive autumn scene shaped by its history rather than landscaped walkways. Its main attraction is a historic courtyard dominated by two enormous ginkgo trees that have stood for centuries. The trees stand in front of Myeongnyundang, the traditional lecture hall of Sungkyunkwan, the highest educational institution during the Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910). The original institution was established in 1398, and the ginkgo trees are believed to have been planted around 1519. Their thick trunks and sprawling branches tower over the courtyard, while their leaves turn bright yellow in autumn. Autumn colors extend beyond the historic courtyard. The sloping paths leading to the modern lecture halls uphill are lined with ginkgo trees, their yellow leaves forming a golden stretch along students' way to class. From the newer lecture buildings, the surrounding hills offer another view of the season, with patches of green, yellow and red spreading across the slopes. The campus is also close to Daehangno, a neighborhood known for its theaters, small performance venues and cafes. Visitors can pair the foliage with a meal or an evening performance, making the university a convenient stop on a broader cultural outing in central Seoul. Jeonbuk National University in Jeonju offers a different kind of autumn outing, combining seasonal foliage with traditional Korean architecture across its campus. The university has incorporated hanok-style (traditional Korean home) buildings into its grounds, including its main gate and structures around Geonji Square, a central...

The Sejong Korean Language Assessment offers free testing and an integrated speaking section, but Topik remains more widely recognized by universities and employers. For more than two decades, the Test of Proficiency in Korean (Topik) has been the benchmark for international residents seeking to demonstrate their Korean-language proficiency, with scores used for university admission, scholarship and visa applications, as well as employment. But as more international students and professionals pursue academic and career opportunities in Korea, access to the test has become a concern for some learners. Demand sometimes outstrips available spots, with securing a test slot often likened to competing for K-pop concert tickets. In response to growing demand, the number of alternatives is also expanding. Universities are being given greater flexibility in administering their own language proficiency tests, while the Sejong Korean Language Assessment (SKA), developed by the King Sejong Institute Foundation, has been expanding the number of test centers and testing opportunities available to learners overseas. Introduced in 2022, SKA drew a record number of 6,424 test takers last year, nearly three times the 2,207 recorded in its first year. As the test expands, its differences from Topik in recognition, test format and accessibility offer a basis for assessing its potential as an alternative for Korean learners. While the regular Topik exam covers listening, reading and writing, speaking is tested through a separate component, Topik Speaking. SKA, however, combines all four skills in a single test, which could particularly appeal to learners who want their speaking ability reflected in their overall proficiency assessment. "One of the reasons why I took the SKA is that I'm more confident in speaking and that counts into my overall score," Ngoc Khanh, a 21-year-old Vietnamese college student, said in an interview with the Korea JoongAng Daily. For learners like Ngoc, who are more confident with their speaking ability, Topik's separate speaking test might seem like another good alternative. Or at least it would if it were more accessible. While SKA is offered at more than 70 King Sejong Institutes worldwide, Topik Speaking has not been administered overseas since its introduction in 2022, leaving learners abroad with virtually no opportunity to take the test. For many people taking a Korean-language proficiency test to study or work in Korea, Topik Speaking is therefore an unrealistic option, making SKA's inclusion of speaking significant. The two assessments also use different approaches to measuring Korean language ability. According to the official descriptions of the two tests, Topik is based more on academic and career-related materials, while SKA is designed to measure Korean communication skills in everyday life, with questions based on real-world settings. That difference is reflected in the types of questions on each test as well. A review of official sample questions and released materials shows that Topik's reading section frequently asks test takers to match information in academic passages, interpret graphs and understand the meaning of newspaper headlines. While SKA also tests comprehension and inference, its questions more often place those skills in everyday situations, including picture-based questions and questions about the location or situation of a conversation. "Comparing the two tests, as I'm now preparing for Topik, I think the clearest distinction is the reading section," she said. "Topik's reading passages use a lot of vocabulary used in college classes, while SKA uses daily vocabulary." "So, SKA just came off as more suitable for me, because I'm more confident with daily conversation and casual reading," Ngoc added. The two tests differ in their schedules, registration procedures and fees. The 2027 Topik schedule, announced on Sept. 29, includes 15 administrations: six paper-based tests, six internet-bas...

Digital locks became standard in Korea through apartment living, frequent moves and a growing preference for convenience and security. Ask a Korean when they last used a house key, and many will pause. Some will admit they don't remember. Others will say they've never owned one. In much of the world, a key ring is a basic tool of adulthood — one for the front door, maybe one for a bike lock or a mailbox. In Korea, that ring has all but disappeared. Enter a code, scan a fingerprint, tap a card: the front door opens with no metal involved. About 80 percent of Korean households use a digital door lock, compared with 40 percent in Japan, 35 percent in Europe and the Americas and 14 percent in China, according to a report by the Korea Trade-Investment Promotion Agency (Kotra). Korea's lock industry says the country was the first to commercialize the technology. Experts say the reason lies in how Koreans live: mostly in large apartment complexes built to the same specifications, and in a rental market where tenants come and go often. The keypad on almost every Korean front door traces back to a thief who used copied keys. While working as a software engineer at Daewoo Electronics' central research lab, Ha Jae-hong read a news story about a woman in her 50s who was arrested after stealing about 500 million won ($372,000) from upscale saunas in Gangnam District, southern Seoul, using copied keys. She had used the money to send her three children abroad to study. The story gave Ha an idea: a lock whose code changes every time it opens, so that a copied key would be worthless. He founded a company in 1997 to build it. In 2001, it was renamed iRevo, the maker of the Gateman lock. In 2004, the industry estimated that about 18 percent of Korean homes had a digital lock and projected that the share would reach 51.4 percent by 2006. Most newly built apartments were already installing them. The locks were expensive at first, and older rental housing held on to keys for a while. "Until around 2004, 2005, 2006, a lot of the studio apartments near universities still had keys," said Lee Eun-hyung, a research fellow at the Korea Research Institute for Construction Policy. "Roughly speaking, [digital locks] spread widely from the 2010s, even to ordinary houses." Prices fell as the locks spread. "The cheap ones got really cheap — under 100,000 won, some for just tens of thousands of won — so there's no burden in terms of price," Lee said. Lee also pointed to the Korean temperament. "We Koreans are a bit impatient, and [we] don't like inconvenience," Lee said. Compared with digging through a bag or pocket for a key, then sticking it in a lock and turning it, a code or a card tap is simply easier. Even the keypad is starting to go. Property platform Zigbang's Haven lock, released in 2025, has no number keypad at all — the company says it was the first in Korea to drop it. It opens with face recognition or a phone app, which can also issue temporary passwords. Housing explains much of it. Apartments made up 65.8 percent of Korea's 20.18 million homes in 2025, according to the Ministry of Data and Statistics. "Korean apartments are a highly standardized form of housing that supplies anywhere from several hundred to several thousand units at once with set specifications," said Jung Heon-mok, a professor of anthropology at the Academy of Korean Studies who has studied Korean apartment complexes. "So once a particular fixture is adopted, it can quickly settle in as a kind of 'standard feature.'" How firmly Koreans now expect a keypad became clear this summer. In July, Hoban Construction opened a model home for a new apartment complex in Gimpo, Gyeonggi, where residents are scheduled to move in in 2030. A model home is a full-size show unit that Korean builders set up so buyers can see an apartment years before it is built. Visitors found that the front doors came with a standard key lock. Complaints spread on online communities and on Blind, an anon...

A dispute over secrecy surrounding two North Korean POWs exposes diverging expectations between South Korea and Ukraine. Ukraine asked South Korea to keep the transfer of two North Korean prisoners of war secret from the start of their talks, South Korea's spy agency told lawmakers Wednesday, supporting Seoul's account in a dispute that has led it to summon Kyiv's top envoy and demand an apology. The two governments agreed on confidentiality through "several channels," including a phone call between their foreign ministers and talks between South Korea's embassy in Kyiv and Ukraine's Foreign Ministry, the National Intelligence Service (NIS) said, according to lawmakers briefed behind closed doors. Ukraine has not expressed regret or apologized "officially or unofficially," the agency said. Kyiv denies any such agreement. The row pits two governments that have been on the same side since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Analysts in both countries point to a gap in expectations as the source of the dispute. Kyiv likely expected something in return for the handover, while Seoul calls it a humanitarian matter "not tied to any other precondition or issue." The two men, identified by the surnames Ri and Baek, were among an estimated 14,000 to 15,000 troops North Korea has sent to fight for Russia since 2024. Ukrainian forces captured them in Russia's Kursk region in January 2025, the first North Korean soldiers taken alive in the war. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky made them public, posting their photos and interrogation video and offering to return them to North Korea in exchange for Ukrainians held by Russia. The two later said they wanted to go to South Korea, whose Constitution treats North Koreans as its citizens. They arrived in mid-September. The NIS said it had confirmed several times that the men wanted to come to South Korea and that they had no major health problems. Seoul said nothing until Sept. 23, when Zelensky announced the transfer at the United Nations General Assembly. President Lee Jae Myung in an X post on Sept. 24 called the disclosure "deeply regrettable," saying Ukraine had breached a confidentiality agreement. Zelensky's office denied any agreement existed, and on Monday, Seoul summoned Ukraine's acting ambassador, Andrii Vieshkin. Kyiv's position has narrowed: a senior Ukrainian official told the Financial Times that the foreign ministers discussed the transfer in June, but no secrecy agreement was reached at the presidential level. The NIS said it "does not know" whether the two presidents agreed. Kwon Ki-chang, a former South Korean ambassador to Ukraine, told the Korea JoongAng Daily that understandings on a humanitarian case like this are normally reached orally, through the embassy and the host country's foreign ministry. "Leaving a written record for a single case like this would actually be unusual," he said. Nor could the two sides have read "confidential" differently, Kwon said. "Keeping it confidential means not informing the media and not announcing it publicly. It is a very commonsense agreement." Ukraine asked first because publicity could hurt its prisoner exchanges with Russia and with third countries, the NIS said. Seoul's presidential office has also said Kyiv worried about criticism at home for giving up a chance to trade the pair for Ukrainian prisoners. Russia had offered to free thousands of Ukrainians for the pair, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said privately during a late-June visit to Seoul, according to a diplomatic source. "From the standpoint of Ukrainians, turning down such an offer and sending the two North Koreans to South Korea makes no sense," Kwon said. "Because of that burden, I think [Kyiv] proposed keeping it confidential." Nataliia Butyrska, an associate senior analyst at the New Europe Center, a Kyiv-based think tank, said Russia "even delayed prisoner exchanges for six months" trying to get the men back. "Ukrainian society has...

Back in the day, when K-pop wasn't even a term, there was a singer known by the moniker "God of Vocals." That singer, Lee Seung-chul, was both a hitmaker and one of the country's biggest live draws. Songs like "Heeya" (1988), "Never Ending Story" (2002) and "No One Else" (2009) are still considered classics of his generation. Forty years after his debut, he is still going strong — and still hungry to sing and connect with his fans. To mark the milestone, Lee is launching a project series in which he teams up with younger artists on a mix of brand-new songs and remakes of his past hits. First up is a collaboration with WOODZ, who wrote the duet "Our Story" as a tribute to the 59-year-old singer. "I've always told myself I'd rather be a working singer than a legend," Lee said at a press conference held Tuesday in Hannam-dong, central Seoul. "I thought I would retire around my 30th anniversary, but something unimaginable is happening now. It feels overwhelming to receive a tribute song from a singer like WOODZ, and I thought to myself that I should sing even harder," Lee said, tearing up. For WOODZ, collaborating with Lee was more than just singing a duet. "I call him abuji," WOODZ said, using an affectionate, colloquial form of abeoji, the Korean word for father. "He's the same age as my dad, who passed away a few years ago. My dad was a huge fan, and I grew up listening to Lee's songs and singing them with him at noraebang (Korean singing room). I think my dad would be jealous of me right now." "Our Story" is a mid-tempo rock ballad with a message of hope and comfort. "I imagined what it would be like at my 40th anniversary as a singer who just greeted 12th. One of the dominating feelings for me now is that if there's no listener, everything I do becomes meaningless. So I imagined that Lee would have that mindset of wanting to give back to his fans. This song contains love toward fans and consolation," WOODZ said. Looking back on his early days, Lee recalled a very different era for Korean pop music. When he debuted in 1986 as the lead vocalist of the Korean rock band Boohwal, it was an era of strict censorship, including broadcasting. Singing in English on TV shows was banned, and even dyeing one's hair or wearing sunglasses were restricted. "When I see K-pop thrive now, I just think to myself that I want to be reborn," Lee said with a chuckle. "BTS singing at the World Cup was amazing. K-pop singers now vie for the Grammys, which was unimaginable back then. Through the audition program 'The Scout,' I'm trying to live out the dream I never got to fulfill." "The Scout" is an audition program launched early this year by Lee on a cable channel. Lee's past 40 years haven't been without ups and downs. Notably, he underwent surgery for vocal cord nodules in 2018 and had to rest for nearly three years. At one point during recovery, he couldn't speak a single word for a month. For a singer who wishes to stay visible and audible to his audiences, that break was frustrating. But according to Lee, that hiatus eventually brought back his voice stronger than ever. "This is the second song I've released since the surgery. It was such a good song that I didn't have much problem singing it despite initial concern because WOODZ has such a high pitch and I thought I wouldn't make it," Lee said, adding he listened to the demo more than 500 times to mimic how WOODZ sang it. "Now, I sing in a way that ditches Lee Seung-chul. I try to follow what the producer and the song creator want rather than insisting on my style." Lee has his schedule packed through next year. After performing at university festivals, the latest barometer of successful K-pop acts, he resumes on a nationwide concert tour in November, followed by a world tour next year. "I want to be a singer people listen to and think of as naturally as they breathe, someone they hum along to like the sound of their own breath," he said. "Let's meet again at my 50th anniversary." "Our Stor...

Ambassador Mikael Hemniti Winther discusses his forthcoming Seoul song, Denmark's welfare model, offshore wind cooperation and Nordic cuisine. Seoul's ambassadors are often gastronomes keen to share a taste of their home cuisine. In this series, the Korea JoongAng Daily asks the diplomatic corps to introduce our readers to their favorite restaurants representing cuisine from their homelands, while chatting about issues of interest to our Korean and global audience. — Ed. Danish Ambassador to Korea Mikael Hemniti Winther follows a personal rule for nearly every diplomatic posting: Write a song about the host country, and if possible, shoot a music video to go with it. The hobby dates back at least to a 2001 posting in Vietnam, where he fronted a band with a fellow diplomat and played Western music at venues across Hanoi. "I realized slowly that you can put the two things [diplomacy and music] together, and sometimes use one trade to reinforce the other," Winther said during an interview with the Korea JoongAng Daily on Sept. 16. Now more than a year into his term in Seoul, Winther has wrapped up recording his newest track with a Korean producer. Its working title is "Alleys of Seoul." To most Koreans, Denmark conjures Legos, bicycles and Hans Christian Andersen's fairy tales — but also one of the world's happiest countries, with a welfare model that they want to study. Asked what Korea — already a superaged society — might take from Denmark's welfare model, Winther turned the question around. Trust, rather than high tax rates, is the real starting point, he argued, since a society accepts high taxes only once it trusts that the government will spend them fairly. "This is one of my favorite questions," he said. "Trust in society, in my opinion, comes basically from the fact that government can be trusted. [...] We have the lowest corruption level in the world. Some of this willingness to pay taxes is connected to that." Over lunch at Acid House, a natural wine bar serving Nordic dishes in the posh Sinsa-dong neighborhood of southern Seoul, Winther described how Copenhagen turned into a genuine culinary heavyweight. Copenhagen counted 21 Michelin-starred restaurants holding 31 stars combined in this year's Michelin Guide Nordic Countries, including three restaurants with three stars — more than any other Nordic capital. "Danish food culture has only become interesting, honestly, in the last 30 years," he said. "We were a farming country, not very international, for many years, [...] so our food didn't develop much." That started to change only after decades of exposure to French and Italian cuisine, and later Thai, Chinese and Japanese food, with a small but growing wave of Korean restaurants now opening in Copenhagen. The rest of the conversation moved through the 75th anniversary of Denmark's 1950-53 Korean War hospital ship, the nation's offshore wind initiatives and why Seoul — rather than Tokyo — was chosen to host Denmark's Asian innovation hub. Below are excerpts of the interview, edited for length and clarity. I came from China before. Shanghai and Seoul have something in common: very hardworking, very dedicated, an extreme focus on education in families, extremely high trustworthiness. I ride an Italian scooter around — very popular in Seoul, so I bought one too — and I'm never worried about it. I think that I could leave it with the keys in and disappear for four hours, and someone would run after me and say, "You forgot your key." [I've also noticed that] Korean people are more direct than anyone I've met. You're almost as direct in conversation as Danish people, and we are more direct than anyone in the Nordic countries. I have a very serious hobby: I play guitar, sing and write songs during my diplomatic missions. I slowly realized that you can put the two things together and sometimes use one trade to reinforce the other. Here in Seoul, people have said, "We don't want to hear your Shanghai song; we want to he...

Influential Time Out just named Seoul's Jongno 3-ga the "coolest neighborhood" on Earth, citing its "effortless mix of old and new" as its greatest charm. But Jongno 3-ga is just one example of what Seoul offers to those seeking that same blend of style and grit. Here's a list of similar — but lesser-known — neighborhoods in Seoul where you can experience an authentic local vibe, as well as a curated itinerary. Mullae-dong first developed as a residential area for Korean laborers in 1941 during the Japanese occupation of Korea (1910-1945). In the 60s, it became an industrial town focused on manufacturing steel parts, but in the 1990s, businesses began losing ground to Chinese competitors. Many companies shuttered, and in their place flowed young artists. Throughout the 2000s, Mullae-dong made a rare successful turnaround, organically regaining its vibrancy as a youthful and artsy town whose new culture coexists with the remaining industrial leg. Seongsu is a neighborhood that speaks for itself. A towering Dior flagship, a five-story Olive Young, not one, not two, but at least five Musinsa shops packed within a few blocks and the buttery aroma of freshly baked salt bread wafting through the streets. But this is only a depiction of the southern part of the neighborhood. The northern section, dubbed "Buk Seongsu," with buk meaning north in Korean, remains largely untouched by the rapid commercialization affecting its southern counterpart. The area, roughly north of the Seongsu Station overpass, has retained much of its industrial identity established in the 1960s. It boasts printing houses, machinery shops and car repairs still in full operation. And it is perhaps this slower, more grounded atmosphere that is increasingly drawing in locals, remote workers and trend-savvy tourists looking to avoid the usual hot spots. Some call it drab. Others call it retro. Either way, Euljiro is too cool to care. An old industrial town, the neighborhood was an empty lot, cleared by the Japanese colonial government in the 1930s as a firebreak. It then became a refuge for displaced people after the Korean War and soon transformed into one of the city's most infamous red-light districts. As Korea industrialized through the 1960s and '70s, Euljiro evolved into a cluster for printing presses, hardware shops and metal workshops that helped propel the country's manufacturing boom. It also played a crucial role during the pro-democracy movement by producing underground materials in secret. But by the 1990s, Seoul's economy shifted south, and Euljiro declined. Only recently, artists, designers and young entrepreneurs rediscovered its gritty charm, converting workshops into cafes, bars and studios — earning the neighborhood a new nickname, "Hipjiro." Nuha-dong, just west of Tongin Market near Gyeongbok Palace, strikes a balance between modest commerce and residential calm. Dating back to the late Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910), it is still home to around 600 residents, historic diners and national heritage sites, as well as small upscale restaurants and exceptional bakeries. The adjacent Okin-dong and Nusang-dong neighborhoods also offer boutique shopping experiences. These neighborhoods are still far from flashy, though. Some may even call them boring, and perhaps they are, especially for modern travelers with itineraries and expectations. What makes this corner of Seoul worth visiting is the reward it offers those willing to linger. Dapsimni in eastern Seoul has long served as an area people pass through or briefly congregate in. It was never the most glamorous commercial district compared to central Seoul's Insa-dong, but perhaps for that reason, the traces of the old neighborhood remain especially pronounced. Today, the area is split in two by the wide Cheonho-daero boulevard. North of the road, the remnants of the past seem more prominent, with old villas, low-rise apartment buildings and shops that have stood for decades. South of the boulevard, rede...

With thousands of Koreans marching on downtown Seoul, an unprecedented direct warning from Tehran and mounting retaliatory pressure from U.S. President Donald Trump, Seoul is caught in an especially tight geopolitical vise. Six months after the United States first requested naval assets to secure the Strait of Hormuz, Korea's potential contribution has become one of the most consequential — and volatile — foreign policy decisions of President Lee Jae Myung's term. As of mid-September, the government insists no final decision has been made. However, a confluence of alliance politics, domestic opposition and economic leverage is forcing Seoul into a corner. The pressure traces back to March, when Trump asked several allies, including Korea and Japan, to consider sending naval assets to the Strait of Hormuz as the U.S.-Iran war disrupted oil shipping. While Tokyo's reluctance gave Seoul cover to remain noncommittal through the spring, Trump recently began singling out Korea by name. In an Aug. 16 post on Truth Social, Trump wrote that the Korean president had turned down an offer to join the "Denuclearization of the Islamic Republic of Iran" — a rebuff he said he would remember. He cited Korea's reliance on the Strait of Hormuz for about "35 percent" of its oil as a reason he expected help, a story he repeated to reporters the following day. Alongside the rhetoric, Washington ordered a sharp curtailment of Ulchi Freedom Shield, the annual Korea-U.S. military exercises, a move widely read in Seoul as retaliation. By early September, Seoul shifted from stalling to active planning. The Ministry of National Defense dispatched an inspection team to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) over the Sept. 6 weekend to assess operating conditions. The team reportedly assessed bases and logistics support in the UAE, where Korean troops are already stationed to train local forces and where the U.S.-operated Al Dhafra Air Base could serve as a staging point. Foreign policy watchers tie the pressure to money as much as to security. Korea's $200 billion strategic investment pledge to the United States — the centerpiece of last year's tariff deal — has stalled for roughly ten months. Washington appears to view the delay as deliberate avoidance, using the Hormuz deployment as a test case for an ally it perceives as milking security guarantees while slow-walking economic commitments. However, the logjam may be breaking. Industry Minister Kim Jung-kwan returned from Washington on Sunday, confirming that the two nations are "close to an agreement" on the investment structure, which is capped at $20 billion annually. Leading candidate projects reportedly include a combined-cycle gas power plant in Encina, Texas, and a massive project to build eight nuclear reactors in the United States. Whether finalizing the deal this week will satisfy Washington — or if the Hormuz question will remain a bundled point of leverage — is likely to become clearer within days. Iran has not taken Seoul's deliberations lightly. Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei posted an unusual warning in Korean on X on Sept. 7, stating that any country joining military operations in the Persian Gulf or Hormuz would face "serious consequences" and be treated as "supporting the aggressor." Four days later, Tehran's Foreign Minister Seyyed Abbas Araghchi requested a call with his Korean counterpart, Cho Hyun. During the call, Cho reaffirmed that Korea has "not decided anything" on deployment and stressed Seoul's position that free and safe passage for all vessels must be protected. The fact that Iran asked for the call suggests Tehran wanted Seoul's position confirmed directly at the ministerial level, moving beyond social media threats. Park Hyun-do, a professor at the Sogang Euro-Mediterranean and Middle Eastern Institute, said that Iran would almost certainly strike back militarily even against non-combat assets. "Whether it's a patrol aircraft or anything else, I think...