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Welcome to the 43rd edition of the Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas Today our guest is the poet, writer, artist and activist Linor Goralik. Linor was born into a Jewish family in 1975 in Dnipropetrovsk. In 1989 her family emigrated to Israel. From 2000 to 2014, Linor lived and worked in Moscow. After that, she divided her time between Israel and Russia until November 2021. In March 2022, just two weeks after the start of the so-called ‘Special Military Operation’, Linor Goralik travelled to Tbilisi, Yerevan and Istanbul before returning to Israel – to Tel Aviv and Jerusalem – documenting the mass exodus of people from Russia triggered by the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. She subsequently presented these people’s testimonies in a bilingual publication by the Tamizdat Project entitled Exodus-22. The book was published last year. ‘In March 2022, after the full-scale invasion of Russian forces into Ukraine, I went on a trip that took me from Israel to Tbilisi to Yerevan to Istanbul and back to Israel. I hoped to take notes on this ‘Exodus-22’ – that is, to create a record of people leaving Russia over the course of these weeks. This experience was incredibly important for me, and I am endlessly grateful to the people who met with me, spoke with me, and helped me work with this material. I should add that all of the Ns in these notes are different people, and the order of the notes for each location is roughly chronological’ – Linor Goralik ‘Exodus-22 | Исход-22’ is published by the Tamizdat project Questions Do you remember your initial reaction when you heard the news about Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine? What prompted you to set off on this journey? You started in Tbilisi. Tell us what you found there and how you began working with your interviewees. After Tbilisi, you travelled to Yerevan. Did you notice a difference in the way Russian immigrants were received there? You decided to refer to all your interviewees, without exception, as ‘N’. Why? There’s a very palpable sense of disorientation in your interviewees’ conversations, regardless of where they are. Is this the experience of refugees everywhere or are there specific characteristics that are particular to Russians? Did you observe any similarities in your respondents’ reflections whilst carrying out your research? Many of those you spoke to are parents. What, in your view, lies in store for their children’s generation? You yourself emigrated to Israel with your parents at a young age. Did you identify with their situation when you listened to their answers to your questions? Among the new immigrants from Russia, is there a noticeable difference in attitudes between Jews and Russians? Russians who left Russia after February 2022 are often accused of having an imperialist mindset. Is this justified, in your view? Has their understanding of what it means to be Russian changed? Did you sense any hope for Russia’s future? The word ‘mosaic’ is often used to describe your book. Did you deliberately set out to present the experience of the new wave of Russian emigration in this way? Is there a connection between your work and, say, the work of Svetlana Alexievich or Teffi? In his review of Exodus-22, Ilya Utekhin wrote: ‘Diary entries preserve the contours of a moment before it becomes frozen in narrative, before a feeling is transformed into theory.’ Could you name some “moments” that surprised you in your conversations with your various ‘N’s?

Pictured: Masha Slonim 28 May 2026 Welcome to the 42nd edition of the Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas I’m one of thousands of Facebook followers of Russian-British journalist Masha Slonim. Masha and I met forty years ago when we were colleagues at the BBC Russian Service. Scrolling through Facebook a couple of weeks ago, I unexpectedly discovered that Masha’s cousin, Nina Litvinova, had died. It was May 13. The next day, May 14, Masha posted again: “Today, RIA Novosti reported, citing law enforcement sources, that our sister Nina Litvinova had taken her own life. In other words, the cops leaked this information. They also wrote that Nina had left a handwritten suicide note.” Masha then published excerpts from Nina’s suicide note, explaining: “Of course, no one—neither RIA nor Gazeta.ru, which reported this—will publish the note…’ The note speaks of a feeling of helplessness, of the number of people in prison for not supporting the war against Ukraine, of how life had become unbearable.  Of her shame that she had given up, surrendered.  Nina Litvinova On the evening of 12 May 2026, at the age of 80, Nina, a human rights activist and academic, was found unconscious beneath the windows of her apartment building on 3rd Frunzenskaya Street in Moscow. Clearly,  Nina had thrown herself out of the window. I found the story haunting,  and not just because I could imagine where and how it happened—I had lived on 3rd Frunzenskaya Street when I worked in Moscow in 1998. I wanted to understand why Nina Litvinova’s act had had such an effect not only on me, but on so many others—both those who knew her and those who didn’t—in Putin’s Russia and beyond. I asked Masha to talk about her sister and the significance of her decision to take her own life. QUESTIONSMasha, how did you find out that Nina had died? Did you understand straightaway what had happened?You published excerpts from the letter Nina left her family and loved ones. What do you make of her final note?You grew up with Nina in Moscow—tell us about your family. Your grandfather was Maxim Litvinov, Stalin’s People’s Commissar for Foreign Affairs from 1930 to 1939. How did you understand his role in the history of the Soviet Union?Nina’s older brother was Pavel Litvinov, who on August 25, 1968, took part in the “Demonstration of Eight” on Red Square, protesting the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia. Did his actions influence the direction of Nina’s future life?Pavel Litvinov left for America; you and your sister Vera also left, first to America and then to England. Why did Nina stay in Russia? What kept her there?What did Nina do in her professional life?Many people came to the wake for Nina in Moscow. What was your impression of it? You wrote on Facebook that by publishing excerpts from Nina’s last note, you had taken the decision to reveal the real cause of her death and you accused Putin of Nina’s murder. What exactly did you mean?Do you remember Irina Slavina, who died in 2020 after setting herself on fire in Nizhny Novgorod? She blamed the Russian Federation for her death…. And then there was Alexander Okunev in Kaliningrad who also committed an act of self-immolation on the third anniversary of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine—his death was hushed up and only came to light a little over a year later. How many more martyrs are needed for Russia to rid itself of its illusions about its president?How would you put into a few words your feelings about Nina and what the nature of her death symbolises?

8 May 2026 by Teresa Cherfas Welcome to the 41st edition of the Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas.  Ksenia Luchenko (pictured above) is the author of the book Благими Намерениями – Русская Церковь и Власть от Горбачева до Путина [‘With Good Intentions: The Russian Church and State from Gorbachev to Putin’] for which she received the ‘Prosvetitel’ award (Enlightener Prize) in 2025. That same year, her name was added to the list of ‘foreign agents’ and, in March this year, she was sentenced in absentia in the Russian Federation to eight years’ imprisonment under the ‘military fakes’ law. Ksenia left Russia in April 2022. Prior to this, she had worked extensively as a journalist and scholar in the field of church affairs and media. This podcast was recorded on 7 May 2026 Questions:What prompted you to leave Russia so soon after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine?Your book With Good Intentions was published last year. Why did you choose that title?In 2014, the annexation of Crimea took place, and shortly afterwards, the so-called separatist war in the Donbas region of Ukraine began. Did this mark a turning-point in relations between the Orthodox Church and Putin’s Kremlin, a turn that led to the ‘road to hell’?In the summer of 2021, Putin wrote a lengthy treatise on his interpretation of Russian history and the place of the ‘Russian world’ in contemporary politics.. Could you comment on the role of the Russian Orthodox Church in shaping his worldview?The Russian Orthodox Church is currently one of the main ideologues of the war with Ukraine, calling the war a holy war and glorifying death on the battlefield. In this context, what is a ‘holy war’ and what are the criteria for defining it?And what about relations between the Russian Orthodox Church and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church?An important event during Gorbachev’s policies of glasnost and perestroika was the celebration of the millennium of the Russian Orthodox Church in 1988. In hindsight, does it seem surprising that it was celebrated so widely in a country that was still atheist – the USSR?Patriarch Aleksy, who led the Russian Orthodox Church during that period, was succeeded by Kirill, who became patriarch in 2009. How did their characters differ? What role did this play in the Church’s subsequent relations with the state?It is said that the only institutions that did not undergo reform following the collapse of the Soviet Union were the Russian Orthodox Church and the KGB. Is this true?Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, did the Russian people welcome the revival of the Russian Orthodox Church? And to what extent has the revival of the Orthodox Church been related to the development of Russian nationalism?For several years now, under Putin’s leadership, Russia seems to want to be seen as a bastion of so-called “traditional values.” These values have been enshrined in laws criminalising homosexuality and declaring the ‘dissemination of LGBT propaganda’ a criminal offence. What is the role of the Russian Orthodox Church in this legislation? How is its role in this sphere evolving today in connection with the war in Ukraine?Today, Putin’s “holy war” against Ukraine seems to have been a precursor to the ‘holy wars’ of other global leaders – this is how Israel’s wars in Gaza and Lebanon are justified, this is how President Trump presents his war against Iran, and this is the case with the jihads of the Ayatollah and Hamas. Does this surprise you in the 21st century?Pope Leo XIV sharply criticised President Trump for his bombing of the civilian population in Iran, citing the Bible and God’s commandments. How did the Russian Orthodox Church react?– And Putin?Are there dissidents among Russian Orthodox priests? And if so, what is the situation with them?

20 March 2026 by Teresa Cherfas Welcome to the second part of the 40th edition of the Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas  Today, we continue Tanya’s story from Mariupol. In the first part, we left her with her granddaughter in Krasnodar. Many moves lay ahead before they finally found a more permanent refuge in England. This podcast was recorded on 13 March 2026 My questions:In the last episode, you told us how you and your granddaughter reached Krasnodar. How did you leave Russia? And how did you end up in England?Do you keep in touch with friends and neighbours who still live in Mariupol?Do you dream of ever returning home?What kind of future would you like to see for Ukraine?

Welcome to the 40th edition of the Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas Our latest episode is devoted to the story of a grandmother from Mariupol, who left her home three days after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. At that time she thought the bombing would end and she’d be back home in a couple of weeks. Four years and counting, she still hasn’t been home. Our guest today will talk about those events and memories of her flight from Mariupol. Her name is Tanya. This podcast was recorded on 12 March 2026 My Questions:When Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine began, you were living in Mariupol where you had spent your whole life. What happened that made you decide to leave your home of so many years?What are your most vivid memories of that time, after you left your home?

This month Mary Page’s guests to discuss Russia’s ongoing invasion of Ukraine, and in particular the issue of prosecuting for war crimes and other human rights abuses committed by Russia in Ukraine, are both from the UK: the academic and human rights lawyer Bill Bowring (pictured left) and Steve Crawshaw, journalist, author and human rights activist (pictured right). Mary’s Guests Emeritus Professor Bill Bowring is an academic since 1990 and practising barrister since 1976 who has since 2006 taught human rights and international law at Birkbeck College, University of London. Bill was a Trustee of the Redress Trust, working for reparation for torture survivors, which led the Victims Coalition in the drafting of the 1998 Rome Statute for the International Criminal Court. Bill worked with the Redress Legal Officer Fiona McKay who drafted the provisions for victims in the Rome Statute. Fiona went on to become Chief of the Victims Participation and Reparations Section at the ICC, from August 2004 till December 2015, 11 years. She now serves with Bill as a Trustee of Lawyers for Palestinian Human Rights, taking a keen interest in prosecution of individuals suspected of war crimes in the conflict in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. With Colonel Reverend Nicholas Mercer, the senior Army Lawyer in Iraq who blew the whistle on British war crimes and resigned, Fiona has participated in teaching Bill’s course at Birkbeck on International Criminal Justice. Steve Crawshaw is a former UK director and UN advocacy director at Human Rights Watch and has also worked previously as Russia and east Europe editor, and chief foreign correspondent, at The Independent newspaper. He has also held senior roles at Amnesty International and Freedom from Torture. His latest book, Prosecuting the Powerful: War Crimes and the Battle for Justice, was shortlisted for the Moore Prize for Human Rights Writing. Steve travelled four times to Ukraine while writing the book, as well as to Israel/West Bank and post-Assad Syria. His reporting as a journalist on Russia formed the background to Goodbye to the USSR (1992). Steve’s other books include Easier Fatherland: Germany and the Twenty-First Century (2004) and two books on creative protest: Small Acts of Resistance (with John Jackson, foreword by Václav Havel, 2010) and Street Spirit: The Power of Protest and Mischief (foreword by Ai Weiwei, 2017). This discussion was recorded on 26 February 2026 Mary’s questions: 1) Great efforts are being put into documenting war crimes and other human rights abuses committed by Russia during its war on Ukraine. What are the chances for prosecuting Russian actors? 2) As you know, peace negotiations (such as they are) have primarily been between the US and Russia, and only more recently also involving Ukraine. How do you see these negotiations? 3) How do you see the role and effectiveness of civil society organisations in today’s climate – on the international level human rights NGOs such as, for example, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, and more local groups such as the Centre for Civil Liberties, the ZMINA Human Rights Centre or the Crimean Human Rights Group in Ukraine? 4) Finally, what is your prognosis for the future of human rights at this point in the 21st century?

Welcome to the 39th edition of the Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas. Among the first guests on the podcast was Dmitry Oreshkin, the well-known political scientist. At that time we talked with him about the significance for Russia of that fateful day – 24 February – when Putin launched his war of aggression against the sovereign state of Ukraine. Today, on the eve of the fourth anniversary of the invasion of Ukraine, we have invited Dmitry Borisovich on to the podcast again, this time to comment on the progress of Putin’s war and to talk about the current state of Russia against the backdrop of a rapidly changing world and shift in global politics. A geographer by education, Oreshkin has extensive experience as a professional observer of the political, economic and social life of Russia today. This podcast was recorded on 12 February 2026 My Questions1. A report published last month by the think tank Centre for Strategic and International Studies claimed that since February 2022, Russian troops have suffered nearly 1.2 million casualties, more than any major power in any war since World War II. What do Russians still in Russia think about how the war is going? 2. How is the war affecting people’s daily lives? 3. When Donald Trump ran for president of the United States, he promised to conclude a peace deal between Russia and Ukraine within 24 hours. A year later, how do you assess Trump’s efforts to reach a peace agreement? 4. The well-known Ukrainian Nobel Peace Prize laureate Oleksandra Matviichuk recently asked a question on social media: “ Why has Trump’s year of negotiations been the deadliest for civilians in Ukraine since the full-scale invasion? The number of deaths and injuries has increased by 31 percent compared to the previous year. Why did Putin not allow himself such brutal strikes on civilian infrastructure under Biden, whom Trump calls ‘weak,’ but totally destroys peaceful cities and disregards the ‘strong Trump’?” How would you answer her? 5. The same think tank I mentioned earlier ranks Russia as a second or third world country in terms of its economy. Can Putin continue the war indefinitely without fear that the economic consequences will be devastating for Russia? 6. Trump’s indecisiveness regarding Ukraine contrasts sharply with the US operation to capture Venezuelan President Maduro a few weeks ago. How do you think Putin and the Kremlin perceived Trump’s boldness regarding Venezuela? 7. This was followed by Trump’s demand to incorporate Greenland into the US. How did the Kremlin react to Trump’s declamatory speech in Davos and his subsequent climb-down when he saw the strength of opposition to his plan? 8. Many believe Trump is not interested in helping Ukraine and thinks this conflict is a problem that America’s European allies should resolve. What would that mean for Ukraine? 9. If Europe does not unite decisively to defend Ukraine, will Putin continue, say, with an attack on the Baltic states? 10. The real rival of the United States today is, of course, China. How would you describe Putin’s relationship with President Xi Jinping? Do Putin’s nuclear weapons compensate for Russia’s economic weakness in its own relations with China? 11. Many people are talking about the collapse of the rules-based old world order. Do you agree with this interpretation? How do you think the situation will develop over the next few years? How will this affect Putin’s future actions?

19 January 2026by Teresa Cherfas Welcome to the 38th edition of our Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas.  My guest today, Mikhail Fishman, is known to viewers of the independent television channel TV Rain as the host of his own weekly political programme, I Tak Dalee [‘And So On’]. Since the late 1990s, he has served as editor-in-chief of the Russian edition of Newsweek and also worked for The Moscow Times, where he covered the turbulent political developments of the newly created Russian Federation. In 2022, his book Preemnik [The Successor] about the life and times of Boris Nemtsov was published in Russia. The book became a bestseller. Fishman was motivated to write his book after collaborating with documentary film-maker, Vera Krichevskaya, on her 2016 film about Boris Nemtsov, The Man Who Was Too Free. Four years on, it has now been published in English translation under the title The Successor. Mikhail Fishman is with me today to talk about his book.  This podcast was recorded on 19 January 2026. My questionsFirst of all, congratulations on the publication of The Successor in English. Rereading the book in preparation for its English-language publication, how did it strike you after everything that has happened in the seemingly short time between the Russian and English editions? Did you have to rewrite parts of the text to reflect the new realities?Although the book is about Boris Nemtsov, it is in many ways more like a chronicle of democratic changes that took place in Russia – and their complete collapse. In your opinion, what were the most dangerous threats to Russia’s democratic transformation during Yeltsin’s time?How do you assess the events of autumn 1993, when dissident deputies holed up in the White House and government soldiers fired at the building?To what extent did Yeltsin’s character influence the implementation of democratic reforms in the 1990s? When was this most evident?Your book is called The Successor. Why did you choose this title, given that it refers to such a short period of Nemtsov’s political career? Do you think Nemtsov could have become president of Russia?On the eve of the 21st century, Yeltsin appointed Putin as his ‘successor’. Do you remember your own reaction when you first heard this news?Relatively recently, Putin began to describe the Yeltsin era as the ‘wild 90s’, a time of poverty, humiliation and corruption for Russians. You were already working as a journalist and covering the main political events in Russia. How do you feel about this description of the Yeltsin era? How did you experience the impact yourself of what is described in the book as an existential crisis for Russia?Tell us about Nemtsov’s role in the opposition to Putin. Did he have moral authority in the eyes of Russian society?Did Nemtsov’s relationship with Ukraine have any special significance? Why did Ukraine in his view become a litmus test for the fate of Russia, not to mention for Ukraine itself?The book states that ‘in Russia, the democratic experiment ended with Nemtsov’s murder in February 2015’. But in reality, it happened much earlier, didn’t it?What do you think was the main reason for Nemtsov’s murder?Aleksei Navalny also appears in the book. He and Nemtsov were acquainted, but Navalny was a generation younger. How would you describe them, as political figures, as leaders of the opposition?In the book, you write that when Navalny was preparing to return to Russia, he did not take into account Putin’s intentions to invade Ukraine. Were Putin’s intentions regarding Ukraine already known in January 2021?We will soon be marking the fourth anniversary of the Russian army’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. How do you remember that first day of the war?You wrote that on that day Russia became a full-fledged dictatorship.  What had changed? Was it only then possible to describe the political regime in Russia in this way?The American poet Robert Frost wrote a poem called ‘The Road Not Taken’ about how an individual’s life could have taken a completely different turn, had they chosen a different path when the choice confronted them. Do you think that Russia had a ‘road not taken’?

3 December 2025 by Teresa Cherfas Welcome to the 37th edition of our Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas. Maria Alekhina, is a founding member of the P***y Riot art collective. P***y Riot’s performance, in February 2012, when they sang their Punk Prayer in the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in Moscow, led to the arrest of three of them, including Alekhina herself.  They were sentenced to two years in a penal colony. Olga Borisova, is also a member of P***y Riot, but joined much later.  Political Girl:Life and Fate in Russia is Maria Alekhina’s account of the years since her release in 2014 up until she left Russia shortly after the invasion of Ukraine.  Olga Borisova helped in the writing of it.  Their book was recently published in English translation in the United Kingdom.  We are indebted to Emily Eccles, the translator of Political Girl, for facilitating this podcast with Maria and Olga. This podcast was recorded on 30 November 2025. Photo credit: P***y Riot. Teresa's Questions: How did you become a “Political Girl”? Were you born a “political girl,” or did life make you one?Olga, what about you? Tell us about your path to P***y Riot. (How did you become friends with Masha?)Masha, is it true that you and your two other P***y Riot offenders were the first political prisoners in Putin’s Russia? Was it a shock for you to be arrested and sentenced?Why is feminism such an important element of P***y Riot’s philosophy? And why is it so threatening to an authoritarian regime? (Feminism is a ‘mortal sin,’ according to the judge at your trial.)Masha, you wrote that when you were released from prison a couple of months early, thanks to Putin’s amnesty before the Olympic Games in Sochi, you found yourself in a different country. Please explain.Tell us about your performance in Sochi with other members of P***y Riot, very soon after your release. Masha, you travelled to Kyiv to show solidarity with the Maidan protesters in 2014. How do you explain the difference between Ukrainians and Russians — why is it that Russians seem more passive and don’t protest en masse?Your book describes the constant surveillance, humiliation, persecution, and repression that accompanied you everywhere and always. Where did you find the strength to continue resisting the authorities?Do revolutionaries have special qualities? Would you describe yourself as a ‘revolutionary’, Masha? What about you, Olya?What is it that motivates you and makes you willing to sacrifice so much for? I hadn’t realised that P***y Riot created Mediazona, an independent media outlet. How does it differ from other independent media outlets? What is its mission?You have often said that Putin’s third term as president was a point of no return for Russia. How did this happen, in your view?Your book is in English and seems to be written for a Western readership. What are the main things you wanted to convey or communicate to the West? The book has an entire chapter about the seemingly endless cycle of arrests and detentions you experienced. (You found both “good” and “bad” people among those who guarded you.) You have said that the whole of Russia can be found in these detention centres. What did you mean by that?When did you realize that there would be a full-scale war with Ukraine? Tell us about your thoughts in February 2022. How did you decide whether to stay or leave?It has been more than three years since you arrived in the West. How do you perceive the actions of Western countries towards Russia?And how do you see their actions to defend their own democracy?Do you believe in change in Russia? What kind of change?Exactly ten years after your performance of the “Punk Prayer” in the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour in Moscow, Putin announced the ‘special military operation’ in Ukraine. It seems that the P***y Riot affair became a marker of what could be expected from Putin’s Russia: first there was the illegal annexation of Crimea, then increasingly harsh punitive measure against any dissent from the regime, and finally the full-scale war against Ukraine. What does it feel like to be a historical figure?

Not long ago, the documentary film « Politzek » was premiered on French television. It was made by two women – one French and one Russian – and is dedicated to political prisoners in Putin’s Russia. Manon Loizeau is an experienced documentary filmmaker who has filmed in Grozny during the Second Chechen War, in Beslan, Belarus, Syria, Georgia in 2008, and other hot spots. Ekaterina Mamontova was born and raised in Moscow. In 2015, she graduated from VGIK, the most prestigious film school in Russia. For the past three years, she has been collaborating with independent Russian and foreign media outlets, shooting short documentary projects for them. Yesterday we caught up with Manon and Katya in a café in Paris to talk about how they managed to make such a film in Russia today under Putin, about their collaboration, and about their film « Politzek ». [You can watch Manon and Katya discussing the film on the French channel TV5Monde here.] This podcast was recorded on 30 October 2025. QuestionsManon, let’s start with you—is this a very significant film for you? After all, in your voiceover at the beginning of the film you say: “Russia is my beloved country, the country I chose when I was 20 years old…” In what sense did you “choose Russia”? To what end?Tell us about the process of making the film. What was it like?I understand that meeting Katya was key. Tell us about your first meeting.What did you want to show the viewer or convey to them about the situation in modern Russia?The film says that it was important for you, Katya, to bear witness to what happened in Russia. How did you understand this for yourself?Katya, were there any moments in your professional or personal life that inspired you in your choice of career?Manon, what tasks did you set for Katya? Were they achievable?What did you think, Katya? How did you react?What measures did you take to keep Katya safe?Tell us about your collaboration, how did you work together remotely?Tell us briefly about the people are showcased in the film. What guided you in your choice? Did you already know some of them?Katya, did you use your phone to film or a proper film camera?How did that work, given that there was a risk of the video being confiscated or something even worse? Were there moments when you were afraid?Katya, at one point in the film you suggest filming a group, set up by some of your friends, who are writing letters to political prisoners. Tell us how that happened. It’s amazing that they continue to meet to write letters to prisoners to this day. Or has something changed?What kind of feedback did you get about the film?Manon, at the beginning of the film, you mention the horrifying number of political prisoners in Russia today. In the credits, you write that the film is dedicated to Belarusian political prisoners and Ukrainians in Russian prisons. The credits are accompanied by photos of many people, political prisoners who are still serving time for their political views. Were there any people you wanted to talk about but couldn’t reach?What are your plans for the future? Both for yourself and for the film? Manon? Katya?

3 October 2025 Welcome to the 35th edition of our Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas Our guest today is actor and theatre director Alexander Molochnikov. Alexander Molochnikov (personal archive) In this podcast we are making a break from our usual Russian-language format. This is because our guest has chosen not to speak in his mother tongue. At the age of just 22, he was the youngest director ever to stage a production at the legendary Moscow Arts Theatre. In 2022, aged 29, he had two productions running concurrently on two different stages of the Bolshoi Theatre – one a comic opera, the other a ballet based on Chekhov’s Seagull, for which he won the Golden Mask award. Then on 24th February, 2022, Putin invaded Ukraine… His latest production, Seagull: True Story – a play that is so meta it has your head spinning – is currently on tour in London from New York. He has described it as his third Seagull, but only the second to fly. This podcast was recorded on 2 October 2025. [You can find on the Internet two recent Russian-language interviews Alexander Molochnikov has given to Yury Dud and Mikhail Zygar.] Questions This podcast is about the time before and after the so-called Special Military Operation. What do you remember about the 24th of February 2022?You’ve described your current production in London – Seagull: True Story – as your third Seagull, but only the second to fly. What happened to the one that never took off?When did you decide you could no longer live in Russia?This is the first time we’ve done this podcast for Rights in Russia with a native Russian speaker in English. Is your decision not to speak Russian a political statement?What happened to your stage productions that were still in repertoire in Moscow after you left?Unlike many of your compatriots in the arts, you had a plan. What was that plan?You were a student at Columbia University in New York. What were your impressions of classes there?How did these experiences at Columbia inform the rehearsal process for your latest production: “Seagull: True Story”? How did you work with the actors to build the story and write the script?In Seagull: True Story, you make the point that the profit margin and commercial viability dictate what gets produced on stage in America and that that is every bit as restrictive on artistic expression as political censorship in Russia. What is your own personal experience of this in New York?I completely loved the theatricality of Seagull: True Story – it had an energy and a playfulness, using movement, mime, and props that made it an unmistakably theatrical experience. What is your experience of watching or taking part in theatre productions in the States, or indeed, London since you’re here?There’s a fantastic and surreal scene in it, where Putin, bare-chested on a horse appears to Kon, the director, in his dreams. And yet, there’s no Trump anywhere and no overt mention of the parallels between Putin’s Russia and Trump’s America.Do you think such parallels can be drawn?Kon, your alter-ego, if you like, is desperate to go back to Russia, to visit his mum, to mourn the death of his close friend, who died in a penal colony for speaking out against the war, but he can’t. It’s actually a very moving scene. Do you wish you could go back to Russia for a visit?On the one year anniversary of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia, you posted on social media: “A year ago, at 6:30 a.m., I wrote: “Forgive us.” Today I know you won’t forgive me. I’m 30, I plan to live another 50-70, and I believe I’ll see the day when you will forgive me.” What makes you think that?What’s up next for you after Seagull: True Story? Where do you see yourself, professionally, in 10 or 20 years?

Our guest today is Sergei Davidis, a Russian lawyer, human rights activist and leading member of Memorial. Sergei Davidis has extensive experience in organising various human rights initiatives and political protests in defence of democratic principles in Putin’s Russia. In 2010, Davidis founded the programme in support of political prisoners, which operates within Memorial, a programme he heads to this day. He is also a Memorial board member. In December 2021, a few months before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation ordered the shutting down of Memorial, Russia’s oldest and largest human rights organisation. On 3 March 2022, Davidis appeared as a witness for the defence in the trial of Aleksei Navalny. On 4 March, security forces raided and ransacked the organisation’s Moscow office. A few days later, due to the increasing risks and virtual impossibility of continuing his work in support of political prisoners in Russia, Davidis decided to leave the country with his family. He currently lives in Lithuania. Together with his team, they track the number of political prisoners in Russia, organise support, and maintain a register according to the stringent standards adopted by Memorial. This podcast was recorded on 25 September 2025. Other platforms where you can find our podcasts include: Podcasts.com, Spotify, iTunes, and Amazon Audible. My Questions 1 Could you tell us about the history of your project. When did Memorial decide that it was necessary to keep a record of all those individuals you consider to be political prisoners? 2 How do you define political prisoners? As you know, other organisations use other terms – for example Amnesty International refers to ‘prisoners of conscience’? What is the difference? 3 How many political prisoners are there in Russia at the moment? 4 My understanding is that under Gorbachev, all political prisoners were released and there were none under Yeltsin. When did political prisoners first reappear in Russia? 5 Two new laws in particular were introduced at the very start of the war criminalising ‘discrediting’ the Russian military or spreading ‘fake news’ about the Russian military. Could you explain the difference between those two laws and the differences in punishments? 6  read that some individuals are given ridiculously long terms in prison for an action which even in terms of Russian legislation would seem to be a minor offence – for example 13 years in prison for donating a small sum to a Ukrainian charity. That is far more than someone would get for murder. How do you explain that? 7 Russia these days has a whole range of laws criminalising individuals and organisations, for example the foreign agent laws, the laws branding organisations as extremist or as ‘undesirable’. How far are those convicted under these laws represented among those you classify as political prisoners? 8 To what extent is criticism of the Russian leader – Vladimir Putin – criminalised? Are people in prison simply for speaking out against Putin? That would tell us a great deal about the regime, given how focused it is on the personality of the leader? 9 If we consider Russia as an authoritarian state, in terms of the numbers of political prisoners in the country and the severity of the sentences, how does Russia compare with other authoritarian countries? 10 Your colleague Oleg Orlov was imprisoned for calling the regime ‘fascist’. Do you agree with that classification? 11 How much harder is it to do your work, based outside the country? 12 To what extent are you able to gauge the impact of your work, both inside Russia and internationally?

18 July 2025 by Teresa Cherfas Welcome to the 33rd edition of our Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas On 15 July 2009, Chechen human rights activist and member of the management committee of the human rights organization “Memorial,” Natalia Estemirova, was murdered. She was abducted near her home in Grozny and taken by car across the border to Ingushetia, where she was shot five times in the chest. The killers fled, leaving her body at the scene of the crime. Her only child was 15 years old. That child recently published a book about her mother, Please Live, and its author is our guest today – Lana Estemirova.  My QuestionsOur podcast is called Then and Now, and most often it’s about how the full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia has impacted people’s lives and perceptions. You wrote in your book that few people cared about your mother’s murder, or the Russian-Chechen wars, or the constant human rights violations, and that all these were but brief mentions at the end of the news, or cursory minutes of international meetings, if at all. By the time Russia invaded Ukraine on 24 February 2022, you wrote, it was too late. What does that date mean for you now?In your book, you write warmly about your relatives in Russia and in Chechnya. Are you in touch with them?  Is there a difference between Chechens’ and Russians’ perceptions of the war in Ukraine?I imagine it cannot have been easy to write your book. What was the process of writing like? Did you struggle to find your voice?How would you describe your mother to people who didn’t know her?Your mother’s close friend, Anna Politkovskaya, was killed in the entrance to her apartment building in Moscow in 2006. Do you remember that day? Were you worried about your mother and her safety?Your book clearly outlines the stages of the Chechen wars and of Ramzan Kadyrov’s rise to power. How did you feel about him and his influence on your lives? I’m thinking about your protest against compulsory headscarves for schoolgirls, for example.Two days ago was the anniversary of the murder of your mother, Natalia Estemirova. The title of your book, Please Live, is a direct reference to that day.  I read your account of how you learned of your mother’s death , about your reactions and emotions on the day and the  immediate aftermath, and of how they changed and evolved over time, of your rage and sadness and your final acceptance of what had happened. These are almost indescribable feelings, and yet you describe them in unforgettable language. What were the most important lessons for you?. After all, the last sentence of your book is: “Happiness is victory.” What did you mean by that?You recently became a mother yourself. Tell us about your feelings toward your baby daughter. What will you tell her about her grandmother?You can read Teresa Cherfas’ review of Please Live. The Chechen Wars, My Mother and Me by Lana Estemirova here.

Welcome to the 32nd edition of our Russian-language podcast Then & Now with me, Teresa Cherfas. Today’s episode illustrates like nothing else the difference between ‘Then and Now’ in Russia.  It concerns the transformation of an entire generation into an instrument of patriotism and militarism in support of Putin’s Russia. In January this year, the documentary film Mr. Nobody Against Putin premiered at America’s prestigious Sundance Film Festival. The film is set in School No. 1 in Karabash, a small town in the industrial Ural region with a population of 10,000 and an average life expectancy of just 38 years. The film offers a fly-on-the-wall glimpse of Z-patriotism in Putin’s Russia and shows how the education and propaganda machine works in one individual school. The hero of the film, and its co-director, is our guest today. He is the Mr. Nobody of the title.  Welcome to our podcast,  Pavel Talankin!  This podcast was recorded on 12 June 2025 My QuestionsFirst of all, I would like to thank you for your important and courageous film. For those who have not yet seen the film, please tell us how it came to be made.You worked as the events organiser, as well as part-time videographer, at School No. 1 in Karabash, your hometown. What role does the school play in the town? What kind of town is Karabash?As I understand it, you yourself graduated from this very school. Why did you decide to return to work there? What did you like about your job?In the film, you say you always felt lonely and different from other people. In what ways?You created an especially open atmosphere in your office, where students came to relax.  Tell us about it.How has school life changed since Putin announced the special military operation in February 2022? How quickly did things change at the school?  And in the town?What were the new directives from the Ministry of Education? Did you have to change how you work?There is a revealing scene in the film where a teacher cannot pronounce the words “demilitarization” and “denazification” in front of the children—she cannot do it, and you correct her…And there is another teacher, a history teacher, who follows the new guidelines perfectly…You wanted to quit your job. Why?When did you realise that the footage you had shot could be important evidence of these changes in school life?Tell us about the working relationship you developed with your creative partner during filming.Did you have like-minded people around you with whom you could share your ideas? Or whom you could trust to film you for the movie? There are quite a few shots of you that someone else must have filmed.For the viewer, the speed with which the students adopt their new skills in patriotic events, lessons, songs, and morning flag ceremonies is striking. The school changes before our eyes—the children are becoming different. How did you experience these changes yourself? And what about in your relationships at school? And in the town? Did it affect your work on the film?We see how, at a teachers’ meeting, teachers find out that the school’s academic ranking has dropped, that they are not managing to allocate enough time and resources to traditional teaching. What do you think this tells us about values in Putin’s Russia?In September 2022, President Putin announced a partial mobilization. Did this affect the mood and atmosphere at school? And in the wider town?When did you decide that you needed to leave Russia? Was it a difficult decision for you? After all, your much- loved mother worked at the same school as a librarian, and you couldn’t even tell her what you were planning to do.As the school’s event organizer, you organized the “Last Bell” graduation ceremony. You gave a speech in which every word seemed to be meant not only for the graduates but also for you, knowing that tomorrow would be your last day in your hometown. Everyone was crying, the children, the parents, and even the history teacher. What do you remember about that day?Are you aware of what happened at the school, and in Karabash as a whole, after you left Russia?What does love for your homeland mean to you?What do you wish for your film?

Welcome to the 31st edition of our Russian-language podcast Then & Now. Our latest guest is Marina Sapritsky-Nahum, a social anthropologist and author of the book Jewish Odesa, published in 2024 by Indiana University Press. The book explores issues of identity and tradition in the Jewish community in modern Odesa. Marina is currently a visiting fellow in the Department of Anthropology at the LSE. In a review of Jewish Odesa, Lucy Lopata-Varkas writes: ‘Marina Sapritsky-Nahum’s Jewish Odesa is a compelling exploration of Jewishness in Odesa against the backdrop of Soviet history, Ukrainian nation-making, and ongoing European Jewish revivals. Drawing on an abundance of materials from history, oral testimonies, anthropology, and Jewish studies, Sapritsky-Nahum depicts a vibrant community whose connection to the port city never falters, despite waves of emigration to countries like Israel or the US, the changing political status quo, and fluctuating levels of religious observance.’  This podcast was recorded on 15 May 2025 My questions:What led you to make a study of Jewish Odesa in the early years of the 21st century?Did your own background influence your choice? Tell us a little about your own roots.How does the approach of a social anthropologist differ from that of a historian in the study of a subject such as this?The book begins with the stories and memories of an older generation of Jewish Odesans, those who grew up in the Soviet era. What did you learn from them? What defines them as Jews in their own eyes?  And in the eyes of others?Is oral history a useful tool in this kind of research?  In the book, you write: ‘collecting the life stories of elderly Jewish Odesans is one of my most cherished memories’… What did you personally gain from talking to them?After the collapse of the Soviet Union, there was a widespread resurgence of interest in religion. How did this manifest itself in Odesa after Ukraine declared its own independence in 1991? Was it a genuine Jewish revival?Odesa occupies a special place in Jewish history and in the history of the Russian Empire and of the Soviet Union. How did this come about and what is the essence of Odesa’s identity as a Jewish city?In the book you talk about traditions. This makes me think of the song ‘Tradition’ from the musical ‘Fiddler on the Roof’ based on the stories of Sholem Aleichem, a native of Odesa. Sholem Aleichem, Isaac Babel, Leonid Utesov, Mikhail Zhvanetsky and many other Jewish Odesans gave the city its special character. How would you describe this special character?You write about the myth of Odesa – in what sense is it a myth? Can this myth survive the current war with Russia?You completed your research for the book before the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Are you still in touch with your interviewees? How has Russian aggression changed relations between different ethnic groups in Odesa? Is there a perceived threat to the Jews, since they were always associated with Russian culture and language?There is a lot of controversy and debate surrounding the issue of monuments in Odesa. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, monuments were erected to famous Jews from Odesa, including the mythical Sashka and Rabinovich of Soviet-era jokes. Are they still standing? What about monuments related to Russian culture, such as the one to Pushkin, or to Catherine the Great (the founder of Odesa) and others? What does it say about modern Odesa?In 2023, UNESCO designated Odesa a world heritage city. What do you think prompted this decision, and how will it benefit the city’s residents?What has been the impact on the sense of identity of Odesa’s Jews of post-Soviet research into the part played by some Ukrainians during World War II?  I’m thinking of Ukrainian collaboration with the Nazis, involvement in the Holocaust and in particular in the atrocity of  Babi Yar?Are you planning to write a sequel to Jewish Odesa? About the impact of the current war on Jewish life in Odesa? Do you have any thoughts on what your findings might reveal that you could share with us?